For one thing, holistic interactionism defines itself in opposition to two nativists made of straw. One is the "no-input" nativist, who somehow believes that innate organization precludes sensitivity to environmental input. This makes no sense; just think of a sophisticated computer. If it's packed "innately" with high-tech hardware and complex software, does that mean that it is sealed in a box and that you can't plug in any input peripherals? Complex organization makes a system more, not less, intelligently sensitive to environmental input. The other straw figure is the "naked gene" nativist, who somehow believes that a stretch of DNA all by itself can implement innate organization. Any discussion that classifies the molecular regulators of genes (such as transcription factors and secondary messengers) as "environment" or "nurture," as if they belonged in the same category as Head Start, social stereotypes, and other aspects of the perceptual and social environment of the whole person, is not clarifying contemporary debates on nature and nurture.
The other problem with holistic interactionism is that is dogmatic and obscurantist. It declares by fiat that there are no main effects of genes, only interactions, which is empirically false: there really are some sex differences, and there really are heritable components to intelligence and personality, across a vast range of environmental variation. Holistic interactionism makes it impossible to state some things we know to be true, such as that the genetic component of speaking English versus Japanese is zero, or that the parental-environment component of autism (e.g., the iceberg-mother effect) is zero. Most importantly, it cuts off tough but important avenues of research on both ingredients of the interaction. For example, the discovery that growing up in a given family doesn't make siblings similar is one of the most important in the history of the human sciences. It casts doubt on the widespread belief that parents shape their children, and raised the nurture-versus-nurture issue of what, exactly, are the nongenetic influences on personality. But it would never have come to light if behavioral geneticists had not first taken steps to measure and then factor out the influence of nature, by showing that the ubiquitous correlations between parents and children cannot glibly be attributed to parenting but might be attributable to shared genes. That was the first step that led them to measure the possible effects of parenting empirically, rather than simply assuming that they had to exist. The everything-affects-everything ethos of holistic interactionism would have assigned parents (and everything else) an important causal role a priori. Yes, development is a complex interaction, but that does not mean we can never say anything about what might and might not be innate.
David Haig's observations on the terms sex and gender speak to what I call "the euphemism treadmill": people invent new words for emotionally charged referents, but soon the euphemism becomes tainted by association, and a new word must be found, which soon acquires its own connotations, and so on. Water closet becomes toilet (originally a term for any kind of body care, as in toilet kit and toilet water), which becomes bathroom, which becomes restroom, which becomes lavatory. Crippled becomes handicapped which becomes disabled which becomes challenged. Undertaker changes to mortician, which changes to funeral director. That's also why we see terms for ethnic minorities come and go: colored to Negro to black to African American; Oriental to Asian; Latino/Chicano/Hispanic playing musical chairs.
I share Nora Newcombe's desire to move away from a concern with gender differences in mathematical ability to a focus on individuals and how we can maximize their abilities, at least in the spheres of education and public policy. But she does not play out the radical implications of this move. Other than in the context of evolutionary psychology (which elegantly predicts a number of interesting gender differences), a focus on gender differences arises because people ask why the genders are disparately represented in certain walks of life. Almost invariably, disparities in numbers are interpreted as proof of discrimination and discouragement. This, of course, is a fallacy, since the disparities could arise from differences in average temperaments and talents instead or as well. And it's a fallacy with consequences: if the discrepancies attributed to bias really come from sex differences, then the costly measures designed to counter them (aggressive affirmative action, presumptions of ubiquitous prejudice, re-education programs, diversity bureaucracies, etc.) are misbegotten. If people didn't obsess over disparities in gender representation in the first place, they would not create the need for researchers to determine whether the disparities may be caused in part by gender differences in ability or interests. So if people want to minimize the importance of the science of gender differences, they should speak out against gender bean-counting in university science departments.
everyone's cognitive ability should be the important goal
The use of 'sex' in the sense of sexual intercourse is a relatively recent euphemism. The first use listed in the OED (second edition) is from D. H. Lawrence (1929). As with all euphemisms, the new term soon comes to be contaminated with the associations it was first employed to avoid. Now 'gender' is often employed instead of sex to avoid the connotation of copulation.
Sex shares a root with sect, section, dissection, etc. Gender shares a root with genre, genus and gentle (as in 'of a good family'). It is sometimes claimed that the use of gender should be restricted to grammatical categories and that its use as a synonym for sex is recent. The Oxford English Dictionary quotes uses of gender for sex from the fifteenth century, although in the first edition of the Dictionary in 1899 this usage was described as jocular. A few Victorian literary examples will show the venerable nature of this synonym:
Charles Dickens in David Copperfield:
Charles Dickens in David Copperfield:
George Eliot in The Mill on the Floss:
The current rise in the use of gender for sex can be traced to a 1955 paper by John Money entitled "Hermaphroditism, gender and precocity in hyperadrenocorticism: Psychological findings" . He wrote:
I have detailed the initially slow, but later precipitate, increase in the use of gender in my 2004 article "The inexorable rise of gender and the decline of sex: social change in academic titles, 1945-2001" 
factor in this rise was the adoption of a sex/gender distinction by
feminist scholars. Sex was biologically determined but gender was socially
constructed. Now, this distinction is observed only sporadically.
1. Money, John (1955) Hermaphroditism, gender and precocity in hyperadrenocorticism: Psychological findings (Bulletin of the Johns Hopkins Hospital 96: 253-264).
2. Haig, D. (2004) The inexorable rise of gender and the decline of sex: social change in academic titles, 1945-2001. Archives of Sexual Behavior 33: 87-96.
The Pinker/Spelke debate brings a refreshing level of scientific seriousness to the arguments over Summers' remarks. But both Pinker and Spelke, as well as many others who have written about the issue, have a fundamentally over-simplified theoretical account of development.
Both Pinker and Spelke take a strongly nativist view — they assume that many, indeed perhaps most, complex adult traits are determined genetically, at birth, and remain essentially unchanged over time. Their debate is over whether one such trait, mathematical ability, is or is not different in men and women. Their debate, and related debates about whether there are "genes for" everything from homosexuality to depression to criminality, reflect a pervasive misunderstanding of human development and the relationship between nature and nurture. This misunderstanding is reflected not only in nativist views but also in the apparently opposing view that emphasizes social and cultural factors.
Most ordinary people, and even not so ordinary ones like Summers, Spelke and Pinker, seem to think that we can divide up the contributions of genes and the environment — we can take some trait like mathematical ability or scientific success or sexual preference and determine that it is, say, 30% due to genes and 70% due to the environment. But most developmental psychologists, and even most developmental biologists, would say that this way of thinking about the problem is profoundly misconceived.
Even in simple biological cases it is a truism that genes only lead to traits via a particular environment. Incontrovertibly genetic traits like having male genitals are actually environment–dependent. The fetus' male genes trigger the production of male hormones by the mother and those hormones bathing the fetus are what lead to male genitals. If a genetically female fetus is exposed to the same hormones she will also develop male genitals. Even biological traits are the result of this causal cascade of gene-environment interactions — the genes modify the environment which modifies gene expression and so on.
In the case of biological traits, of course, we can specify what a "normal" environment will be like, or at least specify the range of likely possible environments. But we can't do this for human psychological traits. The reason is that the most distinctive genetic trait of homo sapiens — the source of their greatest evolutionary advantage — is their ability to intentionally and radically change their environments. Even very young children already can picture the world around them, imagine alternative ways the world could be, and intentionally act to change the world accordingly. In particular, even very young children have causal theories of the world — they know how one thing makes another happen. One of the primary advantages of such theories is that they let us imagine alternatives to our current environment, and let us act to change the environment. We are starting to understand something about the computational, and perhaps even neurological bases of this kind of causal knowledge, and the associated capacities for hypothetical and counterfactual thought, planning and intervention. Eventually we will understand their genetic bases as well.
For example, once our ancestors uncovered the causal link between friction and fire, they could introduce light, warmth and cooked food into their environment in a way that radically altered their lives. Over history, this human capacity has meant that we now live in environments, for good or ill, that are nothing like the environments we evolved in. As a result we behave in ways that are nothing like the ways we behaved in the pleistocene. And since, as a social species, our conspecifics behavior is the most important part of our environment, our ability to causally represent and so alter, both our own behavior and the behavior of others plays a particularly important role.
What this means is that when we describe the genetic contribution to a human trait we have to consider the effects the genes would have on that trait in all the possible environments that human beings could create. Take a simple and vivid example. Some babies are born with phenylketonuria or PKU, a genetic condition that makes them unable to metabolize certain chemicals in food. In a "normal" environment these babies will become severely retarded and die. But since we human beings have discovered this causal fact, we can intervene to change it. We can, and do, test babies for the gene at birth and provide PKU babies with special diets. How much does the gene cause mental retardation and how much does the environment cause it? The answer, of course, is that it's a dumb question. Both genes and environments are 100% responsible. Most significantly, although for other animals a genetic defect like PKU would universally lead to retardation, our (genetically determined) human capacity for environmental alteration means that there is now almost no causal link between the genes and retardation.
Work in behavioral genetics demonstrates over and over that the effects of genes depend crucially on the range of environments in which people grow up. "Heritability" is a measure of the correlation between variance in genes and variance in some particular trait. Heritability can be measured with techniques like twin studies, and it is often taken to be an indicator of genetic effects. But heritability changes in different environments. IQ, for example, is highly heritable for rich children, but hardly heritable at all for poor children. Smoking once was much more heritable for men than women, but recently has become more heritable for women as well. In an environment of poverty, variations in the environment make a big difference, in a uniformly rich environment they make less difference. In an environment where women's smoking is taboo, genetic variability has less effect.
Because humans create and change their own environments we don't and can't, in principle, know what the range of possible environments will turn out be. And we don't know how those possible environments might interact with genetics over the course of development to cause a particular distribution of adult traits. This means that we simply don‘t and can't know how much genes contribute to complex human traits in general — the question is incoherent. In a particular case, with a particular specified environment, and a complete developmental history of the causal interactions between the organism and the environment, we might be able to give a causal account of the path from gene to trait. But there is no general answer about how gene and trait are related across all environments.
This point is directly applicable to the case of women in science. Several thousand years ago, no human being, male or female, had the innate capacity to become a professor of mathematics, because there were no professors and no mathematics. A scientific environment did not yet exist. As human beings have created and altered the environments that allow institutional science those environments have interacted with genes in different ways.
In one sense, it is obvious that genetic differences between men and women kept women from succeeding in science and mathematics. 50 years ago, the rules at the University of Pennsylvania, where my mother went to school, banned women from taking high-level mathematics courses. Her innate genetic endowment, the endowment that, as Elizabeth I said, made her cloven and not crested, was directly responsible for her inability to take those classes. In that environment, having two X chromosomes caused you to do less well in mathematics, just as PKU caused retardation in the environment rich in phenylaline. But just as in the PKU case, none in their right mind would think that this was a justification for keeping that environment the same — it was instead a reason to change it.
In the current environment, there is excellent empirical evidence that an indubitably genetic difference between men and women — their fertility curves — plays an important role in discouraging women from pursuing scientific careers. Arbitrary institutional structures like tenure demand that scientists work hardest between the ages of twenty-five and forty, and so make it much harder for women than for men to combine a career and family. The most dramatic effects on women in science come in the transition from graduate school to tenure-track jobs at research universities. Women with children in particular are much less likely to make this transition successfully. These effects might even interact with the innate "motivational" differences that Pinker hypothesizes. But in a different possible environment, an environment with family-friendly policies like parental leave and tenure-clock stoppage, this genetic difference, either the definite difference in fertility or the more dubious motivational differences, would no longer have the same effect, And indeed we already see that these environmental alterations have this effect.
The greatest genetic gift of humanity is our ability to change our environments in ways that enable our genetic inheritance to be expressed in unprecedented ways. This gift comes with an equally great responsibility. If we decide that we want a particular kind of world — a world with as much good science as we can get — or a world with as much individual justice as we can get — we need to experiment with new possible environments to try to get the outcomes we want. We need to use our innate capacities for theory formation and change to conceive of new environments, and to determine empirically what the effects of those environments will be. Oversimplified conceptions of genetics and development not only make that job harder, they lead to an impoverished view of the human nature they aim to describe.
Many years ago I responded to an article about sex differences in cognitive abilities with the same response that I have to the debate between Drs. Pinker and Spelke, "What you see depends on where you look." If the question being debated is the underrepresentation of women in the sciences, then we need to remember that science, like love, is "a many-splendoured thing." Approximately 50% of medical school graduates and 75% of veterinary school graduates are women. Forty-four percent of all PhDs in biology and life sciences are being awarded to women, so women obviously have the innate ability (the term used by Lawrence Summers) to succeed in science. Women are underrepresented in the number of PhDs awarded in mathematics (29%), engineering (17%), and computer/ information science (22%), and overrepresented in the percentage of PhDs in psychology (68%), and health sciences (63%) to give a few other examples. Yet, no one has asked if men have the innate ability to succeed in those academic disciplines where they are underrepresented.
There are differences in percentages of men and women who choose to study and then succeed in different fields of science. Of course, there are many other differences between men and women, aside from those directly related to reproduction. There are many psychiatric diagnoses that are primarily applied to either females or males. For example, 90% of eating disorders such as anorexia occur in females. Panic disorders (with agoraphobia) are three times more common in women than men. In contrast, the ratio of males to females with attention deficit disorder with hyperactivity ranges between 4:1 and 9:1; only 2% to 4% of all people in treatment for pathological gambling are women; and antisocial personality disorder are much more common in males. Approximately 95% of all prisoners in the United States are male. Males account for 91% of all arrests for murder and (nonnegligent) manslaughter, aggravated assault, and robbery. It seems women are unlikely kill, but when they do, they kill men. The only major crime categories in which the percentage of females exceeds that of males is prostitution and, for juveniles, run-aways.
Even college students spend their time in sex-typed activities. College men spend much more time exercising, partying, watching television, and playing video games than college women (37.2% spend 1 or more hour per week on video games compared to 6.8% of the women). Women in college report that they spend much more time on household and child care, reading for pleasure, studying, and volunteer work. On average, women and men college students live systematically different lives despite the fact that much of the time they attend class together and do the same homework. But, there is a more serious side to sex differencesone that is clearly based on prejudice against girls, and one that makes it easy to understand the passion that underlies many of the arguments about difference between women and men. According to the U. S. Committee for UNICEF, worldwide, the apartheid of gender is responsible for the deaths of millions of females.
The selective abortion of female fetuses and infanticide of female infants has resulted in 100 males for every 92 females in India and 100 males for every 28 females in rural China, with disparate sex ratios favoring males in many other countries in the world. In discussing the missing females from the world population, Morrison (1995) commented, "Cultures that consider a double-X chromosome a deformity may be committing gender genocide" (p. 5). According to estimates from UNICEF: "More than a million children die each year because they are female."
UNICEF reports also estimate the literacy rate for females at 2/3 that of males because world-wide 20 million more girls than boys are denied access to school. Today in the US, there are still few women make it to the "O" LevelCEO (chief executive officer), COO (chief operating officer) and CFO (chief financial officer) and CTO (chief technical officer). According to a Catalyst study in 1999, women held only 5.1% (114 out of 2,248) of the highest officer positions. This measly value is an increase over previous years. Thus, when asking about the underrepresentation of women in academic science, we need to consider the question in a much wider contextis it something about women and science per se or is the underrepresentation part of a larger picture in which men and women differ in many categories unrelated to science?
The debate between Drs. Pinker and Spelke took place because of President Larry Summers controversial explanation for the underrepresentation of women in academic science most notably tenured full professors at Research I institutions. Before considering the reasons why there are so few women in full profession positions, President Summers should have considered the base rate. In fact, there are relatively few women in full professor positions in any discipline, especially at research institutions. The Chronicle of Higher Education recently reported that women comprise approximately 22% of full professors in all academic areas combined in the US, including those universities where research is not as highly valued as Research I institutions. This is a surprisingly low number given the fact that women have received more college degrees than men every year since 1982, with the gap widening every year, so the low percentage of women at the full professor level in all disciplines is not a pipeline problem and it is not restricted to the sciences.
Science is a complex discipline where success depends upon many different cognitive abilities, such as the ability to translate complex prose to a diagram, explain a phenomenon to a laboratory partner, use manual dexterity (depending on the subfield), think creatively, use numbers effectively, and more. There are many cognitive tasks that usually show an advantage for women and others that usually show an advantage for men. These tasks are listed in the table above. Some of these differences are large; others are small. Other cognitive tasks show little or no difference and are not listed.
A great deal has been made by both Drs. Pinker and Spelke about the finding that males tend to be more variable in cognitive performance and hence overrepresented on the high (and low) end of abilities distributions, which can be seen on tests such as the SAT-M. Given the need for high mathematical ability in some areas of science and the overrepresentation of males in those sciences that are particularly math-intensive, the leap to see cause in this correlation has caused some scientific name-calling on both sides of the nature-nurture fence.
But, success in any science requires exceptionally high verbal skills as well as high math skills. Very large effects favoring females are found on tests of writing, such as the international writing assessments, which show consistent large effect sizes across countries. (Unfortunately, the new writing section of the SAT will probably not show these very large effects because it uses a 6-point grading scale, although it is only in its first administration and I have no data on which to base this prediction.) Girls and women also get higher grades in school, so the relationship among school success, standardized assessment, and career success (and life success for that matter) is far too complex to link a portion of a tail of any single distribution to career outcomes.
Nature and nurture are not two ends of a single pole. Each individual is predisposed by his or her biology to learn some skills more readily than others, and everyone selects experiences in ways that are biased by prior learning histories, opportunities afforded in their environments, and beliefs about appropriate behaviors for females and males. Similarly, many stereotypes about male and female differences reflect group differences; by learning and endorsing them, individuals may also be selecting environments that increase or decrease these differences. Experiences change neural structures, which in turn alter how individuals respond and so on. Learning, for example, is a biological, social, and environmental event. Brain structures reflect learning and experience and change into very old age, thus blurring and nature-nurture distinctions beyond usefulness for most purposes.
Even simple distinctions like dividing variables into biological and environmental categories are impossible. Consider for example, the fact that there are differences in female and male brains. The differences in brain structures could have been caused, enhanced, or decreased by environmental stimuli. Brain size and structures remain plastic throughout life. Brain imaging techniques can show changes in cortical representations that occurred after specific experiences. What we learn influences structures like dendritic branching and cell size; brain architectures in turn, support certain skills and abilities, which may lead us to select additional experiences. The interface between experience and biology is seamless. Biology and environment are as inseparable as conjoined twins who share a common heart. A psychobiosocial framework provides a more integrated way of think about a holistic process.
In understanding how sex-differentiated cognitive patterns are developed and maintained, it is important to remember that we all develop in a social context and there have been many studies about the ubiquity of sex role socialization practices.
In thinking about an explanation, every scientist needs to consider alternative hypotheses.
Any job can be disproportionately male or female for different reasons. For example, it is likely that there are few female piano movers in New York City because women, on average, have less upper body strength than males. Other highly sex-segregated jobs are more readily explained by the fact that women do the bulk of the caretaking responsibilities in society (childcare, sick care, and elder care), and therefore often work "around" these responsibilities. Consider for example how this alternative hypothesis can be used to explain the underrepresentation of women in academic science. Summers noted that in addition to the greater variability among males in science and mathematics abilities, women might also be missing from academic science because they would be dissuaded by the fact that science is an 80-hour a week job.
He could have added the following: Academia is one of the few places where young talent has to prove itself at a young age in order to keep its job. If graduate school is followed by a post doc (as many in the sciences will do) and then six years at the assistant professor level, the young academic will be approximately 36 years old before applying for tenure, (assuming everything has gone smoothly) and if denied tenure, she or he will be fired ("not renewed") and have to explain why tenure was denied to hiring committees at some less prestigious college.
For women, tenure clocks and biological clocks run on the same time zone, and although maternal and paternal leaves are available at most universities, there are also subtle and not-so-subtle pressures not to take advantage of these leaves. The conditions of academic life that are particularly difficult for any woman who has caregiving responsibilities such as child care, which is a more likely reason for the underrepresentation of women in academic science, with its additional requirements for laboratory hours, than the fewer number of women at the highest tails of math and science standardized tests. The fewer number of men with high scores on writing tests or with high grades in school were ignored and the tenure system with its requirements to show excellence at a young age and insistence on full-time employment were not questioned as gender-fair workplaces.
We are both social and biological animals. There is much we can do to make the academic environment more welcoming to women scientists, such as part-time tenured positions during parenting years for men and women (and at other times when needed such as the need to care for aging parents). It is possible that more women scientists would broaden the research questions being asked, or the balance of methods being used, and bring new students with them because of role modeling and other subtle influences. These debates are about the future of science and how we use social science to explain. The questions we ask today and explanations we accept may seem hopelessly old fashioned to the next generation of scientists who wonder why we wondered about the innate the abilities of half the human race to do the work of the future.
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