Chapter 1
GEORGE C. WILLIAMS
"A Package of Information"
Niles Eldredge: I remember the English evolutionary geneticist
John Maynard Smith remarking to me that he was astonished to find out
that George Williams wasn't in our National Academy. Williams finally
got elected in 1993. When I visited him in Stony Brook in the mid 1980s,
he told me he was having a hard time getting grant support for his research,
and I couldn't believe that. The two thoughts converged, because George
really is the most important thinker in evolutionary biology in the United
States since the 1959 Darwin centennial. It's astonishing that he hasn't
gotten more credit and acclaim. He's a shy guy, but a very nice guy, and
a very deep and a very careful thinker. I admire him tremendously, even
though we've been arguing back and forth for years now.
__________
GEORGE C. WILLIAMS is an evolutionary biologist; professor emeritus
of ecology and evolution at the State University of New York at Stony
Brook; author of Adaptation and Natural Selection: A Critique of
Some Current Evolutionary Thought (1966), Sex and Evolution (1975), Natural Selection: Domains, Levels, and Challenges (1992),
(with Randolph Nesse, M.D.) Why We Get Sick (1995), and The
Ponyfish's Glow: and Other Clues to Plan and Purpose in Nature (1997).
George C. Williams: Evolution, in the sense of long-term change
in a sexually reproducing population, depends on the relative rates of
survival of competing genes. Given that organisms may find themselves
in an environment where there are close genealogical relatives, it follows
that an organism is expected to react to cues of kinship in a certain
way, so as to discriminate among the individuals it encounters on the
basis of kinship, and be more benign and cooperative toward closer kin
than more distant kin or nonrelatives.
My interest in evolution started in the summer of 1947, when I spent
six weeks in the Painted Desert with a paleontologist named Sam Welles,
who had a group of students there, officially in a summer course, but
we spent most of the time swinging picks and shovels, digging fossils,
as part of Welles' research project. He was a specialist in Triassic amphibians.
Evenings were spent sitting around the campfire talking about things like
evolution. For the first time in my life, people real biologists,
real scholars were willing to sit and listen to my opinions. I was
twenty one years old. I certainly became interested in many aspects of
evolution then, and shortly after that I signed up at the University of
California at Berkeley for a course in evolution with Ledyard Stebbins,
who at the time, and for quite a while thereafter, was the world's primary
expert in evolution with respect to things botanical. Stebbins' course
introduced me to Theodosius Dobzhansky's Genetics and The Origin of
Species. Stebbins was great, but Dobzhansky's book was what got me
interested in natural selection as a process.
At the University of Chicago, my job was strictly teaching. I was in
their early-entrant undergraduate program taught freshmen and sophomores
biology. They had a great-books approach. We read Darwin, Mendel, and
others. Also I attended seminars by people such as Alfred Emerson, the
termite specialist and recognized authority on things evolutionary. I
found his ideas absolutely unacceptable. That motivated me to do something.
If it was biology Emerson was discussing, I would be better off selling
insurance.
I remember especially his lecture on the role of death in evolution.
He was all in favor of death, and said that the reason we grow old and
die is to make room for successors, so that they can have a chance. This
seemed so totally impossible, given that evolution proceeds by natural
selection. There was absolutely no logical way you could reconcile his
ideas with Darwinism, even though he claimed to be a Darwinist.
This initiated my first theoretical obsession: the evolution of senescence the
decline in adaptive performance with age. You can't run as fast at sixty
as you could at thirty. On the way home that evening, talking about the
problem with my wife, I independently came up with an idea that Peter
Medawar is chiefly responsible for and published in 1952, although he
may have published something that foreshadowed it in the 1940s and
that is that the effectiveness of selection in maintaining adaptation
is essentially the product of reproductive value and survival.
The survival factor is easier to appreciate. If you're more likely to
be alive at thirty than at sixty, then selection will be more effective
at maintaining adaptation at thirty than at sixty. At an age you'd be
extremely unlikely to survive to, such as one hundred years old, adaptation
would be a lost cause, and selection wouldn't be concerned with it.
As the effectiveness of selection declines, the effectiveness of its
products declines. This explains the rising mortality rate that comes
with age. It seemed to me at the time, and still does, that this is an
inevitable conclusion, arising from just the simple fact of mortality.
If there's any possibility of dying, at any age, then you're less likely
to be alive at a later age than you are at an earlier age.
Another one of Alfred Emerson's ideas was that evolution is much more
concerned with cooperation than with competition. It seemed to me to be
very much the other way around, and that there was something very special
about the social insects which accounted for their extreme cooperativeness.
That special thing was their kinship high levels of kinship within
the colony. This was the focus of a theoretical paper I published in 1957.
It was a model of natural selection between families; now I think that's
a silly way to do it, but at the time I wasn't smart enough to think of
the kin-selection idea, which was some years later worked out by William
D. Hamilton. In extreme models, this kind of selection can lead to things
like forgoing reproduction, if in so doing you can, for example, more
than double the reproduction of a full sib. The full sib is half as good
as you are genetically that is, from the standpoint of getting your
genes into future generations. In the social insects, of course, sisters
may have a three-quarter relationship, because if they share a father
then all the genes they get from the father are exactly the same.
These early experiences kindled an interest that has never gone away,
and resulted in Adaptation and Natural Selection, my first book-length
publication on this and related matters. By then I had worked on the problem
of senescence and on cooperation between relatives, but I had a long list
of other problems that interested me.
At that time, group selection was not explicit. V.C. Wynne- Edwards'
big book on group selection Animal Dispersion in Relation to Social
Behaviour came out in 1962, but I discovered it only after I
was largely finished with Adaptation and Natural Selection. I submitted
the manuscript in late 1963, and it referred to Wynne-Edwards' work, but
I brought it in as a late revision of the manuscript.
There was some group-selection modeling prior to that, and explicit
use of group-selection ideas by Alfred Emerson and A.H. Sturtevant, in
a paper published in 1938. In 1945, Sewall Wright presented a group-selection
model, in a book review of George Simpson's Tempo and Mode in Evolution.
But the group-selection model wasn't easy to find if you didn't know about
it already. Mostly, the group-selection idea was necessary to the way
people were thinking about adaptation, although and I find this extremely
strange they didn't realize it. They kept talking about things being
for the good of the species. If it's for the good of something, and it's
to arise by natural selection, it has to be produced by the natural selection
of those somethings. In other words, one species survives as another one
goes extinct. The basis of Wynne-Edwards' work on group selection was
that you can't have things that work for the good of the group unless
you have selection at the level of groups. What he was doing was looking
for selection at the level of local breeding populations, and whether
they could be called separate species wasn't particularly relevant.
To most people's satisfaction, Wynne-Edwards has been proved wrong.
Not that there's no selection at levels higher than the individual or
the family, but simply that his particular formulation isn't likely to
be a very strong force in evolution. It's now generally conceded that
the phenomena he was explaining by this mode of thought are much better
explained by other processes: by selection at lower levels, selection
among individuals.
For instance, any reproductive restraint anytime it looks as if
individuals aren't reproducing at the maximum possible rate is explainable
simply on the basis of an individual optimal-resource allocation model.
You don't kill yourself trying to do something today if working at it
a little bit more easily will enable you to try again tomorrow. Maybe
you don't do it at all today, if conditions will be much better tomorrow.
This kind of thinking explains the fact, for instance, that birds do not
necessarily lay as many eggs in a breeding season as they demonstrably
might. The allocation of their resources will be much more effective for
reproduction with a lower-level expenditure on eggs, which will enable
them later to spend more on feeding the young and later still, next year,
having another breeding season.
There's a great conceptual deficiency in my earlier work, one that I
shared with just about everybody else who was working at the time. I failed
to realize what a tremendous problem the existence and prevalence of sexual
reproduction is. I got interested in that in the early seventies, and
I published a book in 1975 titled Sex and Evolution. There are
a lot of complications that I didn't appreciate at the time, but John
Maynard Smith and Bill Hamilton and many others have advanced our understanding
tremendously in the last twenty years.
Richard Dawkins went in the right direction when he made the distinction
between replicators and vehicles. David Hull's substitution of the term
"interactor" for "vehicle" is a good idea, but that's a minor terminological
matter. Dawkins didn't go nearly far enough in making that distinction,
because he defines a replicator in a way that makes it a physical entity
duplicating itself in a reproductive process. This is fine, but the important
distinction lies at a still more basic level. He was misled by the fact
that genes are always identified with DNA.
Evolutionary biologists have failed to realize that they work with two
more or less incommensurable domains: that of information and that of
matter. I address this problem in my 1992 book, Natural Selection:
Domains, Levels, and Challenges. These two domains will never be brought
together in any kind of the sense usually implied by the term "reductionism."
You can speak of galaxies and particles of dust in the same terms, because
they both have mass and charge and length and width. You can't do that
with information and matter. Information doesn't have mass or charge or
length in millimeters. Likewise, matter doesn't have bytes. You can't
measure so much gold in so many bytes. It doesn't have redundancy, or
fidelity, or any of the other descriptors we apply to information. This
dearth of shared descriptors makes matter and information two separate
domains of existence, which have to be discussed separately, in their
own terms.
The gene is a package of information, not an object. The pattern of
base pairs in a DNA molecule specifies the gene. But the DNA molecule
is the medium, it's not the message. Maintaining this distinction between
the medium and the message is absolutely indispensable to clarity of thought
about evolution.
Just the fact that fifteen years ago I started using a computer may
have had something to do with my ideas here. The constant process of transferring
information from one physical medium to another and then being able to
recover that same information in the original medium brings home the separability
of information and matter. In biology, when you're talking about things
like genes and genotypes and gene pools, you're talking about information,
not physical objective reality. They're patterns.
I was also influenced by Dawkins' "meme" concept, which refers to cultural
information that influences people's behavior. Memes, unlike genes, don't
have a single, archival kind of medium. Consider the book Don Quixote:
a stack of paper with ink marks on the pages, but you could put it on
a CD or a tape and turn it into sound waves for blind people. No matter
what medium it's in, it's always the same book, the same information.
This is true of everything else in the cultural realm. It can be recorded
in many different media, but it's the same meme no matter what medium
it's recorded in.
In cultural evolution, obviously, the idea of a coffee cup or a table
is something that persists. The coffee cups and tables don't persist,
they recur as a result of the persistence of the information that tells
people how to make coffee cups and tables. It's the same way in biology:
hands and feet and noses and so on don't persist, they recur as a result
of genetic instructions for making hands and feet and noses. It's the
information that lasts and evolves. Obviously, it's because of the physical
manifestations of the information that we know about the information.
Dawkins has had trouble in convincing people, and this stems from his
thinking of the gene as an object of emphasizing the importance of
replication rather than of proliferation of information.
Until you've made the distinction between information and matter, discussions
of levels of selection will be muddled. Comparing a gene with an individual,
for instance, in discussions of levels of selection, is inappropriate,
if by "individual" you mean a material object and by "gene" you mean a
package of information. It should be "gene" and "genotype." You have to
look at levels of selection in both of these domains, and realize what
you're doing. Comparisons of levels of selection should be within the
same domain.
Having made the domain distinction, you then go to levels, and you find
that in the two domains the levels do not correspond exactly. As a general
rule, if we restrict our attention to sexually reproducing populations,
there are only two possible levels of selection in the informational or
what I call the codical domain: the gene and the gene pool. Selection
can operate on alternative genes within a population; selection can act
on alternative gene pools in a biota. Both of these are evolutionary factors
that can produce interesting effects.
In the material domain, on the other hand, selection can operate at
the level of alternative individuals, in the usual sense of "individual,"
or on groups of individuals such things as insect colonies, or families
whether they form elaborate colonies or not. These temporary groupings
of individuals give rise to what the biologist David Sloan Wilson calls
"trait-group selection," and also to selection between alternative populations.
That's the physical basis for selection between gene pools. But the physical
levels of selection below that level for instance, between competing
colonies of the same species of social insects don't have a corresponding
level in the codical domain. The events in the competition between insect
colonies are recorded at the level of a gene. There are no sufficiently
persistent genetic differences among colonies for effective selection
in the codical domain. I believe David Wilson agrees with that. He's interested
in selection among the interactors in the material domain.
The main messages of my 1966 book are now generally accepted. This would
have been the case whether I wrote that book or not. The ideas would have
prevailed by today, because people like Hamilton, Dawkins, Robert Trivers,
and others were doing work at the same time, more or less, and if there
hadn't been a single book in the mid-sixties to deal with the idea of
levels of selection, I think one of those people probably would have written
it. Dawkins' book The Selfish Gene is very much a case in point. It advanced
things a lot further than mine did.
My lasting contribution will be for a clarification of the problems
of the two domains and the levels of natural selection. I'll also be known
as one of the people who first became interested in explaining why there
is such a thing as sexual reproduction, and why it's so widespread.
In the future, breakthroughs in evolutionary biology may come in the
field of paleontology. Fieldwork now going on will be recognized several
decades from now as having provided extremely important information. People
I've never heard of are out there digging, looking for pollen grains in
lake sediments, or dusting off trilobites from Paleozoic shales. Other
important insights will come from people working in traditionally unrelated
fields for instance, on things like conflict between genomes. The
most immediately enlightening and convincing work that's going on now
is in explanations being advanced for things like genetic imprinting that
is, the fact that in early development the activity of the gene depends
upon whether it came from the mother or the father. I'm most involved
in a recent publication by the biologist David Haig on genetic conflict
in human pregnancy. This may not in fact be the clearest example of genetic
imprinting, and certainly it isn't going to be the one most easy to work
with, but it's work of this nature that's likely to get people thinking
seriously about levels and domains of selection.
My recent work concerns what I call Darwinian medicine the general
applicability of evolutionary ideas in medical research, practice, and
education. It arose in conversations with Randolph Nesse, a medical doctor
and professor at Ann Arbor. Another important factor for me was a paper
by Paul Ewald in 1980.
Ewald started life as an ornithologist and got interested in medicine
one day when he got sick. It was an intestinal pathogen that got him not
quite as dramatic as Alfred Russel Wallace getting his inspirations during
an attack of malaria. Paul started thinking about the evolutionary interaction
between hosts and parasites. That led to his paper on how to use evolutionary
ideas to interpret the observations one makes in infectious diseases the
symptoms and signs seen in the host. It struck me that these were extremely
important ideas, which should be tremendously useful in medicine.
I had already been thinking about senescence and life histories in general,
and certainly senescence is a medical problem. From general population
genetics I knew something about inherited disorders. These are quite different
kinds of medical problems, but all of them are susceptible to evolutionary
interpretations, in ways that it seems to me would benefit the practice
of medicine. The more I got to thinking about it, and talking to Randy
Nesse about it, the more I realized that there is no kind of medical problem
for which the theory of natural selection will not be relevant, for curing
or preventing a disease.
One of Paul's most important insights is that AIDS is probably not a
new disease, in the sense of HIV being a new pathogen. What we're dealing
with is a pathogen that has rapidly evolved a much higher level of virulence
because of its environmental circumstances. It may have been an organism
that, prior to two or three decades ago, was transmitted primarily from
parent to offspring and maybe rarely between sex partners and
therefore the evolutionary factors acting on its virulence necessarily
kept it very nonvirulent. Individuals with this virus had to survive long
enough to reproduce, or the virus wouldn't be transmitted.
Now, take people with this virus and move them into a completely different
social situation, in which families are disrupted and men are being served
mainly by prostitutes who are dealing with hundreds of men per year. You
now have a situation in which the opportunity for the transmission of
the disease to another individual no longer depends upon the long-term
survival of the individual that has it. Therefore the restraints on its
virulence are removed. Within an individual, the more virulent the strain,
the better it will do, because the more virulent the strain the more of
that particular virus there will be for transmission to the next individual.
We've shifted the balance of selection on this virus from mainly between
individuals between hosts to within hosts. Within hosts, there's
normally selection for increased virulence. Suddenly the virulence of
the HIV went way up. This is just one example. There are many, many examples
of human activities that influence the evolution of virulence in our pathogens.
There are many other ways in which evolutionary ideas can be brought
to bear on medicine for instance, in dealing with the mismatch between
our evolved adaptations and the environment in which we now find ourselves.
This mismatch is probably the main source of medical problems today.
In twenty or thirty years, medical students will be learning about natural
selection, about things like balance between unfavorable mutations and
selection. They will be learning about the evolution of virulence, of
resistance to antibiotics by microorganisms, they will be learning about
human archaeology, about Stone Age life, and the conditions in the Stone
Age that essentially put the finishing touches on human nature as we now
have it. These same ideas then will be informing the work of practitioners
of medicine, and the interactions between doctor and patient. They'll
be guiding the medical research establishment in a fundamental way, which
isn't true today. At the rate things are going, this is inevitable. These
ideas ought to reach the people who are in charge the doctors and
the medical researchers but it's even more important that they reach
college students, especially future medical students, and patients who
go to the doctor. They'll have questions to ask that doctor, who will
have to have answers. I hope this set of ideas produces a certain amount
of bottom-up influence on the medical community, via students and patients.
But I hope also that there's some top-down influence that it will
be influencing the faculties in medical schools and the researchers on
human disease.
Stephen Jay Gould: George Williams is a very important man. He's
a quiet, gentle man who has had enormous influence on evolutionary theory
since the 1960s, particularly through Adaptation and Natural Selection,
in 1966, which was largely a critique of the false logic in forms of group
selectionism then current and a defense of a fairly hard-edged strict
Darwinian view based on individual selection. It was a methodological
argument; he didn't say that group selection is impossible in principle,
he just said that the arguments heretofore adduced were fallacious, and
in that context one must begin (and here I don't agree with him philosophically)
at the reduced, or lowest, level namely, Darwinian competition among
organisms and not claim that selection is operating among any higher-level
entities, like groups or species, unless you have to. If everything can
be explained by organisms, let it go by organisms. Very influential book.
He's always been at the forefront of theoretical clarity in the field.
Richard Dawkins: I have enormous regard for George Williams;
I see him as an immensely wise figure in my field. And he has been belatedly
enormously influential. The essence of The Selfish Gene, which
came out in 1976, is contained in a couple of paragraphs in Williams'
Adaptation and Natural Selection. I had not read it when I independently
realized the same thing. His book has been a colossal influence for the
good in the development of evolutionary theory and is now widely looked
up to as such; it wasn't looked up to so much to begin with, but it's
one of those (I think you call them) slow burners, whose influence develops
rather late. I have huge regard for him.
Lynn Margulis: The only book of his I have read is Adaptation
and Natural Selection. He makes a contribution in enlightening those
who don't understand the basic idea of evolution. Most people don't understand
the consequences of a simple fact: reproduction in mammals is obligatorily
sexual although, for life generally, no intrinsic requirement for
reproduction to be correlated with sex exists. But human behavior with
its sexual reproductive imperatives can be understood as a function of
the evolutionary past. People didn't connect evolutionary thinking and
mammalian behavior. Williams is credited for recognizing the importance
of reproduction in mammalian behavior. He's communicating a scientific
truth in a resistent cultural milieu. The fact that he has few articulate
predecessors enhances the importance of his work.
Steven Pinker: In my mind, George Williams is one of the most
brilliant writers in the history of science. His 1966 book Adaptation
and Natural Selection was way ahead of its time. In the first part
of his argument, Williams was castigating contemporary biologists, pointing
out that many of their explanations were shoddy because they were invoking
natural selection as an explanation for every beneficial trait in sight.
No matter what they looked at in an organism, they could come up with
a story as to why it was to the benefit of the organism, the species,
the ecosystem, the community, or the planet. Williams carefully dissected
the concept of natural selection, delineating where it should and should
not be applied. He noted that not everything that's adaptive is an adaptation
in the technical sense. If a fox's feet tamp down a path in the snow,
and that helps the fox get to the henhouse, it doesn't mean that the feet
of the fox are an adaptation to tamping down snow.
The second part of Williams' argument is that even though natural selection
can't explain every trait, there are some traits for which it's the only
scientific explanation. These are the traits that show signs of complex
adaptive design. The hand, the eye, the heart, the skin all are extremely
improbable arrangements of matter. General laws of growth or the accidents
of genetic drift couldn't possibly explain the precise arrangements of
muscles and bones and tendons that give us a usable hand or, for
that matter, explain why something like the apple has seeds inside it
as opposed to something else. For any biological structure that looks
as if it's engineered for a purpose, natural selection is the only known
scientific explanation, because it's the only physical process that can
result in complex systems that achieve some improbable goal.
Williams presented both halves of the argument. Some traits you shouldn't
use natural selection for; some traits you have to use natural selection
for. A lot of the work of biology, the day- to-day work, is examining
complex features of organisms and trying to figure out whether they could
have arisen as a by- product of something else or show clear-cut signs
of having been designed for some purpose. Dawkins' book The Blind Watchmaker
is in large part a lucid extension and popularization of both halves of
Williams' original idea. Much in the writings of Stephen Jay Gould and
his colleague Richard Lewontin emphasizes the first half and ignore the
second half.
Niles Eldredge: I remember the English evolutionary geneticist
John Maynard Smith remarking to me that he was astonished to find out
that George Williams wasn't in our National Academy. Williams finally
got elected in 1993. When I visited him in Stony Brook in the mid 1980s,
he told me he was having a hard time getting grant support for his research,
and I couldn't believe that. The two thoughts converged, because George
really is the most important thinker in evolutionary biology in the United
States since the 1959 Darwin centennial. It's astonishing that he hasn't
gotten more credit and acclaim. He's a shy guy, but a very nice guy, and
a very deep and a very careful thinker. I admire him tremendously, even
though we've been arguing back and forth for years now.
His best book was the 1966 Adaptation and Natural Selection.
I have more problems with Sex and Evolution. He has misunderstood
some of the things we're trying to say, in a way that sometimes I find
frustrating, shall we say. I don't think it's so much that he's being
perverse as that I'm having a hard time getting through to George on certain
things right now. But nonetheless the respect that we all have in the
field for George is there. The guy is solid gold.
Daniel C. Dennett: As other people have said, George Williams
is the Abraham Lincoln of his field. He has a wonderful, laconic, pithy
way of talking, and he seems to be an amazingly astute and clearheaded
thinker. Reading George Williams showed me for the first time how hard
it is to be a good evolutionary thinker, and how easy it is to make simple
mistakes. Again and again, Williams issues his pithy little correctives
to otherwise superficially good ideas and just calmly, firmly, wipes them
out. Then you realize that this is a harder game to play than any of us
realize, and George plays it better than anybody else in the world.
His main contribution, of course, was blowing the whistle loud and clear
on the idea of "good for the species." In his 1966 book, he saw that Wynne-Edwards'
and others' ideas, which were very familiar fare in the
textbooks and popular treatments of evolution, had to be wrong. This was
a wake-up call. Williams pointed out that it's not "What's good for the
species is good for the organism (or vice versa)"; it's "What's good for
the gene is good for the gene." Usually, other things being equal, what's
good for the gene is good for the organism and thus, you might
say, for the species. But the gene is in the driver's seat. |