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A computer
is based on a Von Neumann architecture, where you have a strict separation
between memory and the central processing unit. This means that there
is a strict separation between operations and representations, which
sit passively in memory. The central processing unit is essentially
a switching device that uses instructions to dictate what its
going to do, both in terms of how it interprets successive sets of instructions
and what it does with the representations. The very idea of representation
depends on how the CPU is set. The exact same pattern of bytes can represent
a number, a letter, or part of a picture depending on how its
being interpreted. Once an operation is performed, the results go back
into memory, and serve as input for additional processes. The computer
is useful as a way of thinking about all of this, but its not
going to turn out to be a model of how the brain works; the brain doesnt
work like this at all.
The critical thing about the computer in thinking about computation
as a model for understanding the brain is that it really lets us
think about how advanced the mutual interaction of different levels
of analysis is. Its a wonderfulmystery. How can an idea arise
from wet stuff? How can an idea influence whats going on with
the wet stuff? Here, the analogy really works with the computer. We
really can think about the notion of representation in the computer,
and how it dictates the sequence of physical events through the organization
of instructions.
Even though I try to track developments in computational ideas, I'm
not known as somebody who espouses the computational model of mind.
Nor am I considered a neuroscientist. In fact, as far as I can see,
Im not known as a card-carrying member of any particular approach
or subfield. Ive always been on the fringe. When I was a graduate
student I stumbled onto the basic phenomenon I've been studying for
30-odd years now. In my first year of graduate school at Stanfordthis
was 1970the idea of semantic memory was really hot. Collins and
Quillian had published a simulation model in 1969 in which they claimed
that information is stored in long-term memory in the most efficient
way possible. (This makes no sense for the brain, by the way, since
storage space is apparently not an issue although it is in a computer.)
They posited that memories are organized into hierarchies in which you
store information in as general a representation as possible. For example,
for animals, you've got a representation of animals, and then birds,
mammals, reptiles, etc. And then under birds you have canaries, robins,
etc. The notion was that you store properties as high up in the hierarchy
as you can rather than redundantly duplicating them. For example, birds
eat, but so do lizards and dogs, so we store this property higher, up
with the concept of animals. You tag the exceptions in a lower level.
One way to test this theory was to look at response times. If you give
somebody a statement like "A canary can sing," that information
should be stored right in the same place and "canary" and
"sing" should be bound together. But if you ask him, "Can
a canary eat?" he should have to traverse the network to find a
connection between the two (assuming that "eat" is stored
up with "animal"). It should take a little longer, and it
does! Unfortunately for the model, distance in a semantic net turned
out not to be crucial. My first year project at Stanford showed that
the response time was just due to how closely associated the terms were,
not distance in a net.
One of the experiments was particularly interesting. In one item I asked
people to verify the statement: "A flea can bitetrue or false?"
Two people in a row said false, and afterwards I asked them why. One
said that he "looked for" a mouth, and couldnt find
one. The other said he "looked for" teeth and couldnt
"see" any. This idea of "looking for" and "seeing"
didnt fit in at all with Collins and Quillian's network-based
computer model, so I started thinking about it. My idea was that maybe
imagery has something to do with this. I telephoned everybody whom Id
tested already, and asked them if they had tended to visualize when
they were answering the question. Roughly half said they did and about
half said they didnt. I simply plotted the data separately for
the two groups. What was dictating the response time of the people who
said they didnt use imagery was how associated the properties
were with the objects. For the people who used imagery, that had nothing
to do itit was how big the properties were.
I immediately designed an experiment where I pitted the two characteristics
against each other. For example, I asked people, "True or false?:
A mouse has a back," which is a trait that is big but not highly
associated. I also asked whether it has whiskers, which is small and
highly associated, or wings, which is not true. I found that if I instructed
people to visualize, the critical thing was how big the properties were.
The bigger they were the faster the responses were. If I asked them
not to visualize, but to answer intuitively as fast as they could, the
pattern reversed. In this case, the response speed depended on how associated
the traits were, not how big they were.
The next question was how to think about these results. Fortuitously,
at the same time I was doing these experiments I was taking a programming
class. This was in the days when you used punch cards. You had to go
to the computer center, submit your stack of cards, and stand around
looking at a monitor, waiting for your job to come up and see whether
it bombed, which you could tell by how long it was running. At the end
they gave you a big printout. One of the exercises in the class was
to program a set of little modules that generated geometric shapes,
like triangles and squares and circles, and to adjust how big they were
and where they were positioned. You had to do things like make a Christmas
tree by recursively calling the same routine that generated a triangle,
and plotting the triangle at different sizes in different positions,
overlapping them to produce the design.
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